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These notes are
derived from a workshop on the above subject organised for MYRADA for
its own staff from all projects:
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Dates
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:
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September 28,
29 and 30, 1992
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Venue
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:
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Gnanodayam
Training Centre MYRADA/PLAN
Dharmapuri Project
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Facilitators
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:
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Dr.Ruth Alsop,
The Ford Foundation
Ms.Bhanumathi Vasudevan, Gender Trainer, GRID
Ms.Vidya Ramachandran, and
Mr.Bernard John, MYRADA
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FOCUS:
There were two sets of reasons why MYRADA felt it was
important to convene a
workshop on the above theme:
-
"Women in
Development" has become familiar terminology in the development
field. The concept of "Gender" however, is still unfamiliar.
"Gender" is a neutral
term and could refer to either the masculine or the feminine. The
concept of "Gender" is being increasingly used to denote a
refusal to focus on women alone or on men alone, but on the
relationships between the two, and how these relationships affect the
lives of women and men in society.
"Women-in-development"
or "Women-focussed programmes" acquire meaning only when there
is clarity that women do not function in isolation, but are influenced
by and themselves influence their environment, which includes (and is
often dominated by) men. What needs to be changed may be the power
relations between two equally populated and equally important sections
of society. One set of reasons for this workshop was to understand the
concept of gender, to analyse gender-relations in our project areas, to
locate our development programmes in the gender context, and to see that
they attempt a structural change in society in favour of a parity in
relations between men and women.
-
The need to innovate with the
existing repertoire of PRA tools and to innovate new ones to analyse
gender-relations: this composed the second set of reasons. This came
about because of the present dearth of recorded PRA-PALM experiences in
analysing gender relations.
From their very origins, PRA
methods have emphasised the need to offset certain biases (time, space,
etc.). Ironically, however, the gender bias has never figured very
prominently as an area of study:
- Could the existing set of tools be used in increasingly versatile ways
to include the gender factor?
- Could new tools be developed to cope with this important issue?The
present workshop only lays claim to highlighting these issues and making
a tentative beginning towards finding answers.
THE STRUCTURING OF WORKSHOP
SESSIONS:
Following a quick round of
self-introductions, the first day’s sessions concentrated mainly on
giving the participants an insight into some of their own gender biases,
and eliciting from them their own perceptions as to the relative roles
and positions of men and women in society. This was done through small
group discussions, role plays, and some theoretical inputs.
This was followed by a discussion
on the need to generate PRA tools to analyse gender relations and a
listing down to topics for exploration in the field, along with methods
that would be used to explore them. The second day was spent in the
field, for which participants divided themselves into four groups, with
each group pursuing a set of topics.
The evening of the second day and morning of the third
day were spent in making presentations from the field exercises.
The workshop closed by lunchtime on day three after a
brief recapitulation of learnings and a suggested plan of action for
further follow up.
WORKSHOP NOTES:
Small group discussions and role-plays were used to
start the workshop off and give the participants an insight into some of
their own gender biases and perceptions.
Sample of topics used for small group discussions:
a) What is the purpose of this workshop and why do you think it has
been organised?
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Some responses
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- Women have always been marginalised. How to bring
them into the mainstream of development?
- The concept of ‘Gender’ is not very clear. This workshop is
intended to clarify the concept.
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Does ‘gender’ mean only women?
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- The workshop has been organised to see how MYRADA can concentrate on
improving the conditions of women and to help in developing PRA tools
for this.
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b) Free listing of commonly used proverbs that attribute qualities to
women/men or are discriminatory in content.
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Some responses
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- ‘A man is always a man even if he is only six inches tall.’
- ‘Even a king will become a beggar if he has five daughters.’
- ‘Whether the thorn falls on the leaf,
or the leaf falls on the thorn, it is only the leaf that gets hurt.’
- ‘Behind every successful man there is a woman.’
- ‘If tobacco blossoms its value is lost; if a woman laughs here
image is lost.’
- ‘There is no temple greater than mother.’
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These proverbs were analysed for the messages they conveyed,
which contributed to shaping the identities of men and women in
society.
Sample themes used for role plays:
a) Segregated groups were made of the male and female participants.
The men were asked to mime how women dress themselves and the women were
asked to mime how men dress themselves. What is the typical picture of a
man or a woman that emerged?
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Some responses
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- Both men and women are equally concerned about their appearance.
Both are ‘conscious’, ‘proud’ and ‘proud’ (vain).
- All men depicted women as having long hair and wearing jewellery.
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b) Male and female participants in segregated groups were asked to
portray the following :
Men/women at work; Men/women at home;
Men/women in society
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Some responses
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- The women and girl child were bullied and had to do all the house
work while the man just sat around and complained.
- There are instances on some projects where women who were given
lower priority in the allotment of Project vehicles through they were
given the same amount of extension work to do. In the case of both
husband and wife being Project employees, they were asked to share the
husband’s vehicle.
- The men demanded and got certain benefits; the women employee was
hesitant even to ask for legitimate benefits.
- Women had to cope with sexual harassment on buses. Witnesses of this
harassment did nothing to help.
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c) Two case studies - (1) Fathima Bee (Ilahi Mahila Sangha, Holalkere);
-(2) Wool Spinning Programme of Challakere; were presented in the form
of a skit each. The former was of an utterly poor woman married to a
good-for-nothing drunk and gambler, who single-handedly built up her
family economy and even managed to reform her husband, taking a lot of
burden on herself in the process. The latter was a MYRADA programme
intended to introduce improved wool
spinning technology for women and to make the chore less exhausting and
more profitable for them. However, there would be a fruition lag of 3
months (training period) during which she would be getting only a
stipend (less than her regular earnings). The men were not properly
involved in the planning process. There were arguments and
disagreements, and the programme has taken a set back until these are
sorted out.
Both case studies were analysed to study
how project intervention could be modified to strengthen or weaken the
impact of development programmes and through them, the impact on men and
women in society.
(These case studies have not been attached to this report but are
available on request.)
Theoretical inputs:
Annexure - A summarises one set of discussions.
The following clarifications were also emphasised: in the case of
gender terminology the distinction between sexual differentiation and
gender differentiation is that:
Sexual differentiation is biologically defined.
Gender differentiation is socially defined.
‘Gender’ describes roles, identities and power relations
of men and women that are defined by society and socially
constructed.
Accepting that these roles, identities, and power relations
have by and large, favoured men and discriminated against women, a
further distinction has to be made between POSITION and CONDITION :
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POSITION
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refers to the positioning of women in society in relation to (as
subordinate/inferior to) men.
Eg. secondary status in decision making, to eat only after all the
men have been fed, the preference for male rather than female children,
the presence of widows considered inauspicious at social and religious
gatherings, etc.
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CONDITION
:
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refer to the everyday situations in which women find themselves.
Eg. smoky kitchens, long walks for water and firewood, too much
housework, low wage rates, etc.
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For development projects, this distinction has important implications
for programme planning.
Development programmes can either be content to address practical
concerns, or aim to address strategic concerns.
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PRACTICAL CONCERNS
:
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are those concerns that are related to the condition of women and
want to improve it. Eg. smoky
kitchens can be made smokeless by introducing smokeless chulas, too
much house work can be reduced by promoting labour saving gadgets,
and so on.
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Such programmes are no doubt important and we have to promote them.
But in doing so, we have to be aware that they do not really change the
role of women or their position in society. A smokeless oven may make
the kitchen more comfortable but does not ensure that the women can eat
with men or have a greater say in decision making.
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STRATEGIC CONCERNS
:
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are those concerns that are related to the position of women and
want to change it. Eg. registering assets (land, house etc.) in the
names of both men and women, training women to handle technology
that has traditionally been in the hands of men (wiring work, vehicle
driving, pumpset repair, etc.) and so on. This will enable women
to relate with men on a more equal basis. It redefines self-image and
expands opportunities.
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To sum up the discussions upto this point :
TO BE GENDER-SENSITIVE MEANS TO BE SENSITIVE TO THE POSITIONING OF
MEN AND WOMEN IN SOCIETY IN RELATION TO ONE ANOTHER AND TO UNDERSTAND
THE RELATIONSHIPS THAT EXIST BETWEEN THEM IN ORDER TO MAKE PROJECT
INTERVENTIOS SOCIALLY RELEVANT, USEFUL, AND TARGETED TOWARDS PROMOTING
GREATER PARITY IN THESE RELATIONSHIPS.
Field Exercises:
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Sl.No.
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Topics Chosen
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Methods &
Tools Used In The Field (With Comments From Presentation)
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1.
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Activity profiles of men
and women in peak and lean seasons
(farming families)
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Separate interview with
men and women were held and
represented using the time line format, from daybreak to bedtime
of a typical day. (Output not attached to this report) No attempt
was made to reconcile the output from the men’s groups with that
from the womens’ group. If this had been done, it would have
stimulated interesting discussions.
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2.
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Shifts in
responsibilities tasks between
men and women over the last 10 years
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Interview outputs were
represented using a trend-matrix
format (with stones etc.) Separate interviews with men and women
were then reconciled. A consensus representation was possible, but
only after much heated arguments between the men and women. (Output
attached as Annexure-B)
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3.
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Differences between men and women in the use of traditional and
modern health
care facilities
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Interview with a group
of women only. Dia-grammatically plotted
on chart (map-cum-linkage diagram type). Not triangulated through
interviewing men and/or the health practitioners themselves. If
done, the output would have been more informative. (? more correct
too) particularly in discussions relating to reconciling
differences in perceptions. (Output attached as
Annexure-C)
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4.
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Wealth ranking of
women-headed households in
relation to male-headed household to analyse the reasons for
differences, if
any, between them.
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This exercise was not
actually carried out as proposed
but instead obtained women’s criteria for defining poverty and
men’s criteria for defining poverty. The exercise was conducted
through interviews. Interestingly, while each group listed down
the criteria in general terms, their interpretation of these
criteria reflected how
it affected then (as men or as women) in particular.
Eg. Both men and women listed "Lack of
economic opportunities". To the men it simply meant
the lack of employment options or the lack of
means to utilise these options. To the women on
the other hand, it meant additionally that to utilise
an opportunity or not was decision to be approved
by the men in the household. (Output
not attached to this report.)
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5.
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Gender differences, if any, in accessibility to
flow
of information into the village.
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Elicited mainly through
interviews in a joint group of men
and women, and plotted on chart using
a format similar to linkage diagrams. The output
was interesting in that much information reached
men - mainly through informal sources - of
which only a portion was relayed, to women. But
on account of an active women’s group in the village
(promoted by MYRADA) much more occupationally
relevant information reached the women,
and was relayed somewhat more faithfully
by them to the men. What would
have been the situation if the women’s
group had not been formed? How does information
reach the non-member women and their
families? These questions should have been explored
but were not. (Output attached as
Annexure-D.)
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6.
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Gender differences in establishing institutional
linkages
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Men and women were jointly
interviewed and the output
represented in the linkage diagram format. (Output attached as Annexure-E.)
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7.
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Relative involvement of men and women in decision
making
on various issues.
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Men and women were jointly
interviewed, and the output was
presented in the form of decision- making
matrix. There was some confusion with regard
to "taking a decision", "executing the decision
taken" and "who was affected by the decision". (Output attached as Annexure-F.)
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One noteworthy fact was
that regardless of who initiated
the issue (man or woman) and who took the
final decision (man or woman), at the intermediate
stage, all discussions leading to the decision
involved both men and women. Could this be
taken to indicate that women do significantly influence
decision-making? The participants involved
in this exercise subscribed to the viewpoint
that they did. It was also expressed that
the final decision depended very much on who
were the income-earners of the family and who
controlled the family finances.
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