These comments will deal specially with the relationship between Government and volags (or between volags and non-voluntary agencies - otherwise called Government).

There is ample evidence to indicate the Indian Government's policy to involve volags in its anti-poverty programme. This willingness to involve volags is not based on any adhoc decision by interested people in Government (of which thank the gods there are many); it has become an integral part of policy and planning in every Government Department. Both politicians and bureaucrats are aware of the presence and the programme of volags; true perceptions of their nature and role differ; but a great deal of thought and discussion has gone into this relationship. The basis of which has been enshrined in the Seventh Plan document.

 The Government's policy has been backed up by action. Institutions sponsored by Government but with adequate independence and volag representation have been established (CAPART, National Wasteland Development Board) to deal directly with volags. They provide a forum where both Government and volags feel free to meet. (As an outsider I can speak with some degree of objectivity - I am not on any CAPART committee). Care has been taken by the Government to post officers who have an understanding of and appreciation of volags.

Not a day passes without one Minister or the other referring to the role of volags. At the meeting of Chief Ministers in Delhi in September '87 to assess the drought situation and to plan an adequate response, several Chief Ministers mentioned with appreciation the contributions of voluntary groups. 

Yet there are risks - as in every other sector. I could compare volag experience to a person before an elephant : Sometimes the volag stands in front and is garlanded, at other times, the volag is below and in danger of being trampled upon. There is often a third situation where the volag feels both garlanded and trampled at the same time. This  can happen because of several reasons - the large bureaucracy for one. It may be interesting to record for example that the Government through CAPART is providing funds for programmes involved with organising of the poor and oppressed where issues of injustice concerning land rights, dowry, the place of women in society are debated on and follow-up action taken. Yet such involvement could create problems with the Ministry of Home Affairs - this is a situation where the volag feels both garlanded and trampled upon. There are other situations, however, where the volag has failed to differentiate between `political' action which is the fundamental right of everyone and `party politics' whichrelates to the political system. There is also evidence to show that several voluntary workers have a leaning towards party politics. This is where their images becomes blurred, and once in this arena they are vulnerable, as the forces against them are far more experienced and often ruthless. The dividing line is thin, but it has to be maintained if a volag is to be effective at the grass-roots where its role will always keep it at arms length

from those in power. The right to become involved with the problems of one's fellow citizens is a fundamental right; no Government can give it or take it away. 

There are other risks as well. To quote from an editorial in "The Times of India" of September 30, 1986. Reacting to the attempt to set up a code of conduct and a National Council of Volags through an Act of Parliament the Editorial says: "At one level, it would seem that the Government has now realised the value of voluntary effort in rural areas and that it wants to tap it for developmental effort. But there is a catch in this proposition. 

In its overzealousness to disburse developmental funds through voluntary agencies, the Government seems to be ignoring the fact these agencies also represent a form of unorganised dissent and opposition to its own policies and that this role is at least partly responsible for their effectiveness. Therefore, to the extent possible, voluntary agencies need to keep their distance from the state machinery if they want to remain effective. While the Government may gain legitimacy for its rural development efforts by involving voluntary groups, for many of them it could virtually be the kiss of death. At the practical level too, the proposed moves (to establish a code of conduct) seem fairly unnecessary. Voluntary agencies already work within a plethora of controls. There are enough rules and regulations to govern their activities and in fact each ministry in the Government has a standing committee to oversee the disbursal of funds to the voluntary sector. Additional controls are therefore bound to be resisted by voluntary agencies. And if the agencies that do not have the requisite "professional competence" or are not "explicitly committed to secularism, socialism and democracy" are neither eligible for state funding nor to be members of the proposed council, then how can these very instruments be used to control their activities? If the Government really wants to encourage the work of rural voluntary agencies, it would do well to withdraw the tacit support it has been giving to these ill-advised moves". 

A particular school of intellectuals finds a "four-fold confluence - multinationals, the corporate sector at home, foreign Governments and local regimes" to which a "fifth set of actors" is added - "The World Bank", IMF, UNDP, FAO" - who this school thinks have discovered in "the NGO model a most effective instrument of promoting their interests in penetrating Third World economics and particularly their rural interiors which neither private industries or Government bureaucracies were capable of doing ...." .... these agencies have created and supported large NGOs which together have exercised control over the Voluntary Sector. "The centralising trend initiated by large NGOs is exhibited not just in large scale dairying that is penetrating the rural areas in more and more regions but also in the even more vast terrain of forestry, dryland farming, wasteland development and other new avenues of colonising the vast hinterlands of village India and tribal homelands. (Quotes from "The NGOs, the State and World Capitalism" by Rajni Kothari). Though one may not agree with this analysis or with the implied conclusions, it is worth recording here because these intellectuals do have an impact though in a restricted area. Their role is useful, provided others realise their limitations and do not present them as the Source of Truth. If volags are to do the job, besides the flexibility and commitment which are their primary features they need to absorb: 

1. elements from the simple life styles of genuine Gandhians.

2. the ability to organise the poor to exert pressure on vested interest - characteristic of the radicals. 

3. the institutional stability of the older churches.

4. professional skills of the new entrants into the volag world.

5. appropriate management and accountability systems. 

Asking too much? not enough if volags are to meet the challenge and meet it in time! 

Volags in India are increasingly aware that it is not adequate to improve the delivery system of development; neither is it adequate to extend this system into hitherto underdeveloped areas. Equal if not more effort is required at the other end - to build up the capacity and resources of the people so that they can develop their own management skills and evolve appropriate rural systems to mobilise, manage and control their resources. It is not enough therefore to make them aware and to organise; them; they have to move further if they are to establish self-sustaining institutions for their continued growth.

A Volag infact derives its strength from its ability to reverse the process of learning, management and communication. The source and base of this process is often called "people's participation", a much abused term, or a term which is used all too frequently today without analysing its content and meaning. True, there is no single or absolute content or meaning; each volag develops its own concept and strategy of people's participation. Unlike most religions which draw inspiration from a single source, volags write their own Bible on people's participation and it develops not from above but from below. Its source is not a definition established by someone up there, but the real listening to, the empathy with and respect for people, their problems and suggestions.Their success is not assessed by targets fixed from above. The official blueprint gives way to a learning process in which leadership and team work from below play the major role. Hence, the "feedback" that the target setters and blue printers demand from below, is really the "feed"; the process is reversed. This is where volags step out of the Government's sphere of influence into an area where the official network cannot operate. The importance of people's participation as the key to all anti-poverty or minimum needs programmes has been accepted officially, but it is questionable whether the official system is flexible, resilient and honest enough to absorb the consequences of this acceptance. Once again each experience will differ from the other. The volag needs to develop not only a strategy to make the official system, especially at the interface more open, flexible and responsive. To adopt a rigid position that all that Government does is against development of the poor is to close all doors to constructive dialogue. It is finally the poor who suffer as a result of our ideological pride. 

To conclude, let me answer a few queries that are often raisedregarding the relationship between Government and Volags in India: 

1. Is the present situation conducive to volag growth? Yes, it is, and the proof is that the number of volags is growing. India is a democracy which is the basis for the development of volags - in turn strengthens the democratic system. What gives  me confidence that India will remain a democracy is not the fact that the constitution enshrines the values and institutions of democracy but the all pervading ethos of Indian culture where there are no dogmas; no one has a monopoly on truth; all are partially right and partially wrong. Indians do not shake their heads from side to side to say `no' or up and down to say `yes'. Both  messages are conveyed by a combination of movements which only another Indian can decipher. This is the underlying ethos which Hinduism has supported and nurtured. True the weakness of this culture is in its social expression of caste where it unexpectedly becomes rigid. There are today forces which are adopting absolute postures but these are reactions to the policies and expressions of other minority religious groups and have much to do with the changing socio-economic status and new political forces. In this emerging situation, volags will be watched; much depends on whether they are religious or secular; whether they are using a religious platform to further their interests. Volags must preserve at all costs their secular and non-communal image as well as avoid the temptation to subscribe to absolutist ideologies.

2. Is Government control increasing? It is - but there are several areas in which this control is exercised. In the area of finance management not only have controls increased but these are being implemented and monitored. This is a good development and volags must not only be accountable but the culture in the organisation must be open as regards finance matters. This is essential for their health and credibility and if they are to recruit and keep young committed professionals. In the area of political action (organisation of the poor - non-party politics) the Government is supporting volags. True there will be conflicts with some departments of Government in this area but this conflict can be contained and managed by effective volag cooperation at the State and Central levels. The larger volags are able to cope with this conflict and they need to support the smaller ones.

3. What is the position regarding foreign funds? Does it affect the national image? Sometimes people give me the impression that only volags receive foreign funds. Last year nearly 1000 contracts were signed with foreign firms which bring in foreign funds, technology and representatives and strengthen the `five star' culture of this country. Besides the bilateral agreements signed by the Governments also bring in the same resources. This is not a feature particular to India; it is common to every country in the world-funds slosh across every national border; however, in most cases, it is a two way flow. The same is true for technology. Why does this not affect the national image or pride? 
   As far as funds  are concerned - in developed countries they not only flow in but also out. The currency of the country is strong; it has value outside; and this value is in turn based on the strength of the economy. It does not affect America's pride or image even if it is the worlds largest debtor.
    The image of dependency that foreign funds create therefore can be removed if the country's economy is strong and there is value for its currency outside its  borders because there is a demand for its goods and services. India is moving in this direction. As far as technology goes, India has the capacity to manage, adapt and absorb this technology. If therefore foreign funds and relationships are to be accepted certain features and developments are required : 

   1. Indian volags must be accountable - and seen to be so.

   2. They must mobilise local resources.

   3. They must develop a relation and an image of partnership with volags abroad - they have a great deal to offer to others and also the capacity to receive. 

   4. They must develop an organisational culture that is open, professional (in terms of required skills) and at the same time committed and creative - constantly searching for alternatives which are more appropriate and of which the people have greater control.

 To be genuinely Indian, SAP India must foster these objectives the trends are already visible but on the one hand they need support and on the other, any development that tends to obstruct or hinder their progress must be rejected. 

(1) SAP - South Asia Partnership

(2)Takas- Bangla Desh currency