Rural Management Systems Series

1.5.Where ownership, needs and expert solutions collide, often affecting equity adversely:

Many of the measures proposed by technical "experts" for the upper reaches also did not meet with enthusiastic approval. When trees (horticulture) was a measure proposed, people did not respond positively since some of the areas under cultivation in the upper reaches were encroached, largely on degraded forest lands; people suspected that if these areas were brought under tree crops, the Forest Department would have a stronger claim to recover the lands. While the legal position would be that these lands should be handed back to the Forest Department, peoples' expectations were that political pressure would finally "regularise" their encroachments. People also hesitated to invest time and labour on treatment measures on lands over which they had no clear titles. The related issue was that these families set a priority on food crops for their sustenance and survival; could they be asked to shift to tree crops which gave returns only in the long or medium term? Given the fact that the families with holdings on the upper reaches were relatively poor and marginalised socially, could a win-win strategy be evolved which would meet the objective of the Forest Department (to green the area, not necessarily to own it) as well as the objective of the people (who were willing to experiment with tree crops provided their short term food needs and their user rights to the land were not eroded)? This strategy would support the efforts to achieve the objective of equity without compromising on the need to protect the upper reaches. The policies incorporated in the Joint Forestry Management strategy provide spaces for such a win-win solution to evolve but it still has to be implemented in the field outside specific project areas.

1.6. Traditional practices could increase inequity :

Traditional practices also have to be reviewed if the basis for equity is to the strengthened. For example, the traditional practice in drought prone areas is to harvest silt, rather than to prevent erosion. The larger farmers and more powerful sections of the community usually own lands in the lower reaches where silt can be harvested. They also tend to have the resources to invest in silt harvesting measures.

The traditional measure of diversion drains to protect fields from flooding is partially motivated by the objective of harvesting silt lower down even though it deprives the upper reaches of the potential to collect water through protection measures which encourage holding of water in situ and increased seepage. There were cases where larger farmers holding land in the lower reaches objected to conservation measures higher up since they suspected that their ‘silt harvest’ would decline.

1.7. Investment, being related to the size of land holdings, is unequally distributed : The larger the land holding, the greater the investment in conservation measures. This situation is aggravated when all investment is from outside with little or no contribution from the land owner, or when the entire investment is given as a grant. The practice that MYRADA has introduced where watershed groups not only plan the treatment measures but also decide on the total budget, on how much each farmer will contribute (this usually depends on the degree of investment on his lands!), on what percentage is a loan and what a grant (this decision depends on the groups assessment of the farmers ability to mobilise resources and to repay); tends to correct the pattern of unequal investment favouring the larger farmers. This strategy also results in farmers setting their own priorities among conservation measures thus making them more cost effective. The presence of self help groups managing credit also provides a readily available source of funds from where each farmer can borrow to meet his contribution.

1.8 The low priority given investment for livelihoods in watershed programmes tends to extend the potential productivity base of the landed thus increasing the gap between them and the landless/ marginal farmers.

Several surveys and the landless/marginal farmers. Several surveys in MYRADA projects indicated that the landless/marginal farmers find it difficult to broaden their livelihood source base since land related investment in terms of capital skills linkages to input sources, technology and marketing tends to get high priority leaving limited resources to create potential for livelihoods in non-farm related areas. Watershed projects therefore should make adequate provision to support off farm livelihood sources from the beginning.

1.9. Women and Equity : This part does not distinguish between women in poor families and those belonging to the better off sections. It attempts to analyses whether the interventions made in the watershed have benefitted women or increased the level of their contribution to family prosperity without adequate compensation. It focuses more on the ‘condition' of women in their material state, ( namely, on whether they have improved their access to increased resources like credit, biomass, wages, to opportunities for income generation and transport to markets, and to better drinking water, education and health) rather than on the ‘position' of women in society (namely their relationship with men, and the removal of institutionalised forms of discrimination at the level of the family, society, political life, including laws governing property and hereditary rights).

It must be stated that the objectives of PIDOW Gulbarga Project when it began were:

- to increase productivity through management of soil and water which would in turn foster the introduction of hybrids/cash crops by reducing the risk involved in larger investments;
- to increase biomass especially fuel and fodder.

The objectives of improving the ‘condition' of women and their ‘position' in society were not included. Studies to assess the impact on women have to take this into account.

There is another trend which needs to be critically analysed namely to require every project to achieve equally a wide range of objectives, even if by its very structure it is more suited to achieve some objectives rather than others. What is however of importance is to ascertain whether in the process of achieving certain limited objectives, the project does have unintended results which place marginal groups in a more vulnerable position than they were previously. It is from this angle that studies on the impact of women in watershed programmes are of use. They could help to identify critical areas where further intervention is required to correct these unintended effects if any.

1.10.1. Women’s Self Help Groups :

Evidence from various studies of the PIDOW experience and of from reports of outside visitors to the group meetings is adequate to confirm that the SHGs have created a social space for women over which they have control; they are able to discuss their problems, work towards solutions and meet their credit needs through these groups, thus in self confidence.

That the groups have provided social space for women where they are free to express themselves, and to discuss issues that concern them and to set up and manage a common fund as well as small income generating projects, emerges from the study "Gender in PIDOW". (1) sponsored by the Swiss Development Cooperation: (Page 14-15)

"What has been the impact of sanghas on women's lives? The processes of being organised into sanghas is a novel experience in the lives of women. Women members have learnt to speak and realise the need to participate and create spaces for themselves. Over the years, women have learnt to bring diverse issues to the sanghas for discussion. In recent times, even Ram Janma Bhumi has figured in their discussion. There has also been a gradual shift in the nature of activities that they desire to pursue. Initially, kitchen garden, soakpit etc., used to be discussed. Now many of the sanghas have graduated into discussions about flour mills, milch animals and mini water supplies. Women have begun to take loans for work-related activities. There are a couple of sanghas which have exhibited a high degree of capacity building. One sangha, with 12 Marathi women, for example, has taken up trading activities in fertilisers, jowar and ragi by using Rs.5000 that they saved in the sangha. This was highly appreciated by the village because it came at a time when the village was going through drought conditions. The very same group now wants to take independent charge of 120 acres of the watershed. There is even a case of a woman who has taken a loan of Rs.5000 to purchase a plot of land. There are also a couple of instances of giving house loans for the homeless. The women sanghas are also seen to be involved in entrepreneurial activities like the setting up of a flour mill etc. Some of these need based activities set the women sanghas apart from those of men. "Yet it must be said that women are comfortable in arriving at a decision after consulting the family. On the other hand, men are quick to take spot decisions. The dynamics of decision making within a household holds the key to understanding the postures that women take in making decisions.

The presence and success of some of the women sanghas has had a triggering effect, inculcating interest in others to come together and organise themselves. Another offshoot is the emergence of Yuvak Mandals, comprising of the youth of the villages. The Yuvak Mandals have in turn initiated moves to organise girl children on similar lines. Predictably, the women of the Sanghas have been quicker to get disciplined to the norms of savings and credit.Patterns in credit management have begun to emerge. Loans for consumption are taken either initially or in times of crises. By and large, loans are used for income generation and asset formation. Noticeable are certain patterns in income generation activities. Milch cattle, sheep rearing, kitchen garden, are one set of agro-based activities. The growing interest in animal husbandry and livestock, is in a sense, related to the results of the implementation of the watershed which has improved the fodder crop and ground water recharge. Several questions surface for introspection at this juncture. The critical issue here, however, is this: How does one involve women in the planning process, so that they can be given a chance to induct their requirements and perspectives into the project portfolios.

A case study of Limbu Thanda and Wadigera made by the two Swiss students in 1994 confirms these findings

"People of both sexes in Limbu mentioned the creation of the SHGs as one of the best innovations brought since MYRADA's intervention."

"Women have access to sources of credit thanks to the SHGs. In most of the cases money obtained from the credit does not concern the woman alone but the whole family. Having the opportunity of getting credit directly is however a novelty for women.

This fact gives them a new status and is certainly the beginning of a long term improvement."

"Changes in the lives of women since 1988 in Wadigera

The most important changes due to the collaboration with MYRADA and concerning women’s life are of practical and social nature.

Daily life (practical change)

- introduction of the "smokeless chulas" (oven) allowing an economy of fuel and time and representing an improvement in sanitary conditions as well (less smoke).

Social life

- formation of Self Help Group with all the advantages that it brought along (boldness to voice their opinions, access to credit, learning to sign their names instead of thumb impression etc.)

Even if improving the livelihood of women still represents a huge potential in Wadigera, their status and their daily life has undoubtedly changed."

1.10.2. An analysis of how the common fund is built up and managed by the SHGs confirms the findings described above. Table I gives a breakdown of the composition of the common fund of 40 womens SHGS in PIDOW Gulbarga. Of Significance is the high proportion of savings and interest earned from loans which have increased the fund of each SHG; each member therefore has a stake in the group and the group considers the common fund as its own; this attitude influences its decisions on disbursing loans since there is a risk element involved. The amount collected as "fines" also indicates that sanctions are effective; as a result the overdues on the principle and interest are minimal (Table 20. Table I also indicates the SHGs have incomes from other sources; they implemented soil and conservation works thus reducing costs which they saved; they have group income generating assets like bullock carts which are rented out; they also have income from the sale of fodder harvested from protected plots.

TABLE I

A statement of the common fund of Women SHGs :

COMMON FUND STATUS OF WOMEN SHGs AS ON 30.06.1994

Total Women SHGs	40
Total Members	748

COMPOSITION OF COMMON FUND :

Membership Fee                                                              5,616.70
Share Capital                                                                     126.50
Fines                                                                                    2,190.25
Donation                                                                             4,273.35
Savings                                                                                279,935.00
Members Contribution                                                    13,400.00
Bank Interest                                                                      11,210.35
Interest on Loans                                                               259,855.70

INCOME FROM

Soil & Water Conservation                                               12,749.75
Sale of Inputs                                                                       566.50
Fodder / Forestry                                                                 3,491.00
Group Income Generating Prog.                                      7,816.00
Other                                                                                      185.00
Working Capital from MYRADA                                     303,871.75

TOTAL 905,287.85

Average Common Fund                                                Rs.1,210.00 per member
Average Savings                                                             Rs. 374.00 per member
Average Loan                                                                   Rs.2,078.00 per member

Table 2 indicates that the average number of loans per member is three Though a large number has been taken for consumption purposes including travel and socio-religious functions, the repayment in these categories is over 95%. These "consumption" loans may not have increased incomes but there is adequate loans may not have increased incomes but here is adequate evidence to prove that they have lowered the degree of dependence on larger farmers and traditional money lenders, and increased the confidence of women. There are also savings, since the cost of credit provided by the SHGs is lower; besides the interest remains with them. There is also evidence that women have used these loans for purposes which support their well being and that of their children and especially in the areas of health care and daily sustenance; these are areas which men tend to neglect.