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Further analysis has led to
the realisation that -
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Providing inputs to an
individual family is not sufficient to raise the family above the poverty line and
to
keep it there; it is possible to lift the family above the poverty line for a while but
it requires support to remain there; this support is part of the backward and forward
linkages as well as the basis of the environment of social
security and mutual assistance which the poor family requires in
order to take risks
and launch out into new fields. The groups effectively meet
these requirements.
-
Provision of inputs
directly to individuals often results in a higher opportunity
cost to the
individual; in other words the cost of maintaining the new input
is often higher than
the cost incurred previously. This is because the family opted
for an input because
it knew MYRADA would provide it. The group on the other creates an environment in which the
family will not ask for a resource that cannot be maintained
because the other members will refuse the credit knowing fully
wellthat it is not viable.
-
Provision of inputs
directly creates a relationship of debtor-creditor between MYRADA and the individual.
This is an unhealthy relationship and undermines all MYRADA's
efforts for community organisation and motivation. Further, MYRADA's image of a lender
is soft, since it is seen as an organisation that is sympathetic towards the
poor.
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The general culture of
recovery is poor and the people do not feel responsible to return funds to banks,
cooperatives or even to MYRADA.
Further, the cost of
repayment is high - the few debtors who feel responsible to return funds have to often
travel 5 - 10 kms. to repay the banks and cooperatives whatever
small amount they can, often at the cost of a day's work. This
acts as a disincentive
for prompt repayment. On the other hand the lending operation of
groups does not create a
debtor-creditor relationship. Being a member of the group
a loanee is simultaneously a debtor and a creditor. He/she hence
feels responsible to
repay back on time. The group being right at his/her doorstep, a
loanee can return funds
without incurring costs. The group can and does apply pressure
on the few members who do not repay back promptly.
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Some of the needs of poor
families cannot be met by giving inputs for the economic development
of individual families; eg. drinking water, access to health
services, roads and
transport, etc. As in India we operate with scarce resources,
the poor people have
to get together and lobby with the Government to mobilise this infrastructure. Further,
some of these assets have to necessarily be managed collectively
- by all the people in the village. The small groups in each
village come together
to lobby for the management of these assets and services.
-
Educating each and every
individual family is neither possible nor sufficient to bring appropriate changes in the
values and attitudes of the family. For eg. changes in attitudes
towards women, scheduled castes, other religious groups etc. The
social values of
families are largely shaped by the values of the people with
whom they live and
interact. Hence, it is imperative that we work with all these
people collectively
if we want to bring about changes in the values and attitudes of
individual families.
-
Groups foster the
emergence of innovative, appropriate and replicable ideas by providing the people
opportunities to come together, share and learn form each other's experiences. This is
not possible in an individual approach. h>
Groups throw up new leadership in the village. These emerging
leaders who have the
support of the group are chiefly from the economically weaker
sections, unlike the traditional leaders who belong to the upper
caste and class. This is reflected in the
fact that people in the village have already started looking up
to the group rather
than the traditional leaders to help them solve their problems.
-
The group approach has
brought to the surface many operative latent traditional values
like group support, thrift, group action. These values existed
and were operational
within caste groups. This society is now breaking up or has
broken up and the
values have become latent. However, once a group begins to
function as our groups
do, which have been formed on the basis of social functionality,
these latent values
become activated. This is proved by several decisions taken by
the groups which
affect their behavioural pattern.
Since then MYRADA has been actively encouraging the formation
of small groups of families
with similar needs and interests and in consultation with the
people, studying ways of
how their functioning can be further refined and enhanced.
A few of the additional
features of these groups now are :
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All the groups encouraged their members to save. Whether
savings have to be made
daily, weekly, or monthly and whether or not they have to save a
certain minimum and/or
uniform units are, however, decisions that differ from group to group.
-
All groups have certain
rules that discourage members from making withdrawals before
a certain length of time and/or before their balance has reached a
certain size. This
ensures that the group always has some capital with it, with which
to advance loans to
members and earn interest for itself. However, there are exceptions
to this rule also.
-
All groups have
provision to advance loans to members. How much to advance, towhom,
under what circumstances, for what purposes, and at what interest
rates are decisions taken at the group level and may differ from
group to group. Some groups
have decided that loans for contingencies such as sickness,
funerals, rebuilding a
house that has been burned down, etc. will be charged a lower rate
of interest than loans
for income-generating programmes; some groups agree that loans
taken for investment in quick, profit earning ventures can be
charged a higher rate
of interest; some groups have rules that at present prevent them
from making larger
advances for purposes such as buying a pair of plough bullocks or
sinking an irrigation
well; most groups agree that members who do not sincerely attempt
to save and who do not
take responsibility or participate actively in the affairs of the group
will not be advanced loans and may even be asked to leave the
group. Some of the most
common purposes for which loans are advanced are as follows :
-
Agricultural credit: the advantage of approaching the group for credit
is that there is no paper work involved, credit will be available on
time and members can negotiate the amounts they require instead of
accepting a pre-determined package. -
Sickness and accidents
requiring emergency relief. -
Social occasions such as marriages and funerals. The above two are
the
most common causes for people becoming indebted to money lenders. -
Short-term credit for small business purposes. Left to themselves
and
free of feasibility studies, many rural people are quick to spot a
business
opportunity that they feel they can take advantage of. Often,
loans (working capital) are required for quick-return
business ventures (eg.
trading in seasonal flowers and fruits) that can be paid back
within the space of a few weeks. If this money is not available, it is a good opportunity lost. -
Small loans to be invested
in income-generating programmes. While a farmer
may be eligible for a loan package that can buy him 20 sheep, what he may want and can
manage is only 2 sheep. A credit group understands
such priorities much better than a bank can. -
Credit for educational and travel purposes. Though not a very high
priority need, some families
have ambitions that can be met through the
credit group.
-
All groups have
strategies for making recoveries. These strategies may differ from group to group. Some have
agreed that one set of members must fully repay their
loans before the next set of members can be advanced; some groups
agree that if
repayments, however small the instalments, begin to be made from
the very next week of a
member having taken a loan, then the rate of interest charged will
be nominal, otherwise it will
be compounded with each week that passes without repayments.
Whatever the mechanism, the strategy is to keep up group pressure on members to repay.
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All the groups have the
flexibility to help members cope with crises that can threaten
to affect repayments. Some groups have a system of insurance to
cover crises; others
re-negotiate the time frame for repayment and the rate of interest
payable; others accept
repayment in one form or other than what was initially agreed
upon.
-
All groups are engaged in
or thinking of, certain group income-generating activities to
expand their resource base while meeting some community needs.
Some deal in seeds and
fertilisers, others may own and rent a breeding bull, ram or boar,
others have community
fodder plots or feed- mix plants, some own and rent out agricultural
implements, some have forest nurseries, and so on.
-
All groups emphasise - in
addition to individual savings - the development of a common
fund through which crisis situations can be met, community
development activities taken up etc. Contributions to this common
fund can come from interest on
loans and savings, income from group income-generating programmes,
fines collected from
members for certain lapses, donations, and in some cases weekly/ monthly contributions made by
members in addition to savings.
Upon request from these
groups, the resources mobilised by them may be matched with some funds from MYRADA. MYRADA
has recently been successful in interesting the National
Bank for Agricultural and Rural Development (NABARD) and CAPART to
make a contribution to
support these groups as well as study their efficiency as an
alternate credit mechanism for rural areas.
With
the formation of these groups the focus of MYRADA has expanded to
include not only credit
delivery but also the management of resources by the poor.
These
groups are not just part of another MYRADA programme. Neither are
they channels through
which MYRADA delivers development programmes. They have features of a movement and mark the
shift in focus from delivering development programmes through "extension
services" (which implies that `we' know and `they' don't) to
building up of groups with appropriate
structural features, skills, attitudes and resources to sustain a process of
development that the poor can understand and control.
This strategy fits in well
with MYRADA's policy of withdrawal. It is to equip ourselves as well as others in the field
including the people themselves, with appropriate skills and attitudes that the Development
Professional's Training Programme(DPTP) towards Management for Change has been
designed and carried out.
NOTE :
The Credit Management Groups are only one of the several rural
institutions that have developed to manage
resources. There are other groups that manage common resources such
as seed banks, drinking
water management committees, watershed associations, etc. without
managing credit. Milk Societies
are another good example. But these groups are structurally and
operationally different from
the Credit Management Groups, and meet a different kind of need. The
milk societies, for example,
include all classes and are neither socio-economically homogeneous
nor small. Yet they are viable
because they are based on the value of the product handled,
which is the same for the rich and
the poor, and there is an established system to assess the value of
the product.
Footnotes :
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The experiment with NABARD and the subsequent RBI guidelines
led to a pilot
project on linking self-help groups with banks. This has now progressed beyond the pilot
phase and is a programme that is operational throughout
the country.
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The Development
Professionals' Training Programme (DPTP) referred to above
is an in-house training programme of MYRADA to enhance the knowledge,
skills, and capabilities of MYRADA Staff not only to respond with greater sensitivity to
field issues but to also communicate our learnings
to others who share our concern for rural development.
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